Writing a few essays on a philosophically-disposed perspective for establishing the Premise for a social movement directed towards the establishment of a New Government, provides us with a moment for sharing a relatively small portion of ideas being collated. However, priorities amongst different reviewers frequently come to the fore of a discussion that may get bogged down by minutiae as a means by which a given commentator affords themselves with the impression that they are making important points of consideration whereby some measure of personal relevance with respect to providing some purposeful contribution. At other times, self- reflection appropriately cuts them short by acknowledging that they are rambling. With this said, let us make a few spritely condensed comments to begin this essay as a type of momentary summation to a few ideas.
Life forms and their internal as well as external processes on a fast spinning Earth are like the marble on a fast spinning Roulette wheel. If the wheel is stopped abruptly the marble nonetheless continues in the same accelerated motion for a period of time. However, if the speed of the roulette wheel is permitted to slow of its on accord, without outside interference, the momentum of the marble continues unabated for awhile... at least until it is claimed by a given niche'. From a perspective which views the practice of roulette wheel gaming as a emblemed schematic of biological and intellectual processes in a symbolic gesture sort of way, it is of value to note that the marble is sent in the opposite direction of the spun wheel and the betting layout uses multiple "three-patterned" arrangements, which is another example of the content about a 1,2,3 development having been imprinted on the human psyche and biology. If the betting table were a bit expanded to 64 squares involving a 3 -to- ratio layout, the pairing of amino acids in three-lettered configurations with the inclusion of the three start and one stop codons being highlighted, we would have a model ideally suitable for a biology class... including the philosophical attributes related to developmental applications with respect to mutagenic reciprocations influenced by the changing rotation rate and environmental niche's to which biological processes fall into and have an application is sociological considerations.
Many social reformists make it a point to study history, though that which they study may be limited to a selective subject, because their reformation interest typically become localized to a town, city, state or Nation. They do not incorporate an attempt to consolidate the activities of multiple Nations as some commercial or banking interests have done. They is no open discussion concerning any effort to combine different Nations into a singular Nation unified under a common purpose, even if cultural customs may differ dramatically. While there efforts at consolidating specific enterprises for aid, protection and commercial activity, there is a general consensus to keep all Nations separated as singular entities. And even though a given individual or group of people may follow a path towards making great reforms for a given Nation, those efforts, later in the history of the Nation, may lead to the adoption of future ideas involving a presumed greater promise of progress, like the old reforms of Germany becoming reformed by Karl (Heinrich Friedrich) Stein, that were later followed by a drive for yet greater reforms under the guidance of Hitler. This is not to say that all reforms are followed by later developing problems that lead to a momentum of further progress to be described as a red and black or even and odd situation retrospectively defined by an historical review, but that the process of this formula appears to be a recurrence in the mentality of humanity due to deteriorating social circumstances affected by deteriorating environmental conditions... the extent of which is not fully being appreciated. Let's take a look at a brief account of Stein's life:
Stein, (Heinrich Friedrich) Karl, Reichsfreiherr vom und zum
(imperial baron of)
died June 29, 1831, Schloss Cappenberg, Westphalia [Germany]
Rhinelander-born Prussian statesman, chief minister of Prussia (1807–08), and personal counselor to the Russian tsar Alexander I (1812–15). He sponsored widespread reforms in Prussia during the Napoleonic Wars and influenced the formation of the last European coalition against Napoleon.
Childhood and youth.
Stein was born into a family of the imperial nobility. His father, although a Protestant, was chamberlain to the Catholic elector and archbishop of Mainz. Karl Stein's ancestral tradition, as he himself declared, imbued him with “ideas of piety, patriotism, class and family honour, and the duty of devoting one's life to the community's needs and of acquiring the necessary proficiency for such purposes by diligence and effort.” He grew up to feel a strong attachment to the old German Reich and to the imperial dynasty of the Habsburgs and a fervent German patriotism.
His parents wished him to become a judge at one of the imperial courts of the old German empire, and in 1773 he was accordingly sent to study law at the University of Göttingen. Stein studied not only law but statistics, economics, and history as well. From his readings in early German history, in English literature and constitutional theory, and in the works of Montesquieu, he received impressions that were to be of significance for his later activity as a statesman.
Influence of August Rehberg
August Wilhelm Rehberg, whom he met in Göttingen, became a close friend and exercised a greater influence on Stein than did any of his academic teachers. Rehberg was a political thinker who advocated a liberal–conservative policy to preserve the old where it had proved itself and to make reforms where conditions demanded them. It was in the constant exchange of ideas with Rehberg that Stein developed his own reform ideas in the quarter century between 1775 and 1800. He attempted to find a middle way between revolution and absolutism that could unite tradition and progress.
In 1777 Stein left the university and used the next three years to study the legal procedures of the institutional organs of the Reich, namely the Imperial Chamber at Wetzlar, the Imperial Court Council in Vienna, and the Reichstag, or Diet, of the empire at Regensburg. In the course of his work he decided against joining the imperial service and to enter the Prussian civil administration instead. In 1780, through his friendship with Friedrich Anton von Heinitz, the Prussian minister of mines, he obtained a suitable post.
Career as Prussian civil servant
Stein began his career in the department of mines and factories, at first stationed for some years in Berlin, then for a long period in Prussian Westphalia. His work in the direction of mining enterprises and in the provincial administration of Westphalia made Stein an expert in the practical detail of local government. In 1796 he was appointed head of all the Rhenish and Westphalian administrative districts; and in 1802–03 he was entrusted with the administrative execution of the merging of the secularized bishoprics of Münster and Paderborn into the Prussian state. In his work as an administrator, Stein was content and highly successful: he improved the road network, made the rivers navigable, promoted textile production, and reformed the system of tax collection.
In 1793 he married the countess Wilhelmine Wallmoden. She was the daughter of a Hanoverian general and a granddaughter of England's king George II, through one of his mistresses, the Countess of Yarmouth. During the first years of their marriage, Stein felt that his wife did not appreciate his way of life and his goals. As the years passed, however, he became increasingly respectful of his wife's character and abilities. Together they devoted themselves to the education of their two daughters. During Stein's long periods of separation from his family in the years 1807–15, his wife took care of his estates, executed his commissions, and brought up the children. Stein outlived her by 12 years.
Achievements as minister and prime minister
On Oct. 27, 1804, Stein was summoned to Berlin to be minister for manufactures and excise (i.e., for economic affairs). In this capacity he obtained an insight into the working of the central offices of the government, which moreover convinced him of the need for reform. Because of a momentary altercation with King Frederick William III, who rejected his demands for a ministerial system free of interference from the king's personal Cabinet, Stein was dismissed from office on Jan. 3, 1807, in the interval between the defeat of the Prussians by the French at Jena and Auerstädt (October 1806) and the Peace of Tilsit (July 1807).
Returning to his ancestral castle in March 1807, Stein used his enforced leisure to compose the now famous Nassau Memorandum (Nassauer Denkschrift). A comprehensive program for the reform of the Prussian state, this memorandum constitutes the best and most reliable account of Stein's ideas. His basic principle is that, for a healthy and efficient state, an organic relationship must be established between population and government and that citizens must be brought into responsible participation in the state's affairs. This perspective had long been developed, formulated, and modified in his mind through his preoccupation with the English system of self-government, and experience had further enriched and reinforced it. Seeking to give new life to the state from within, Stein hoped that the practice of self-government would generate “civic-mindedness” (Bürgersinn) and “community spirit” (Gemeingeist) in the populace, so that they would adopt the state's interests as their own.
Under the Peace of Tilsit, which mutilated the Prussian state, Frederick William III had to dismiss his minister Karl von Hardenberg at Napoleon's behest. He then invited Stein to be his chief minister, on Napoleon's recommendation. Stein arrived at Memel on Sept. 30, 1807, and after interviews with the King his new appointment was confirmed (October 4). Confronted with the extraordinary situation of Prussia, the single-minded, uncompromising, and self-confident Stein saw the opportunity for fundamental reform. The old system of the state was quite obviously discredited; even the otherwise irresolute King could see that it was high time to put Prussia on a more up-to-date footing. Furthermore, Napoleon's demands on Prussia themselves necessitated incisive measures affecting the internal system. Last but not least, some of the liberally inclined members of the bureaucracy were ready to collaborate with Stein.
Thus, from the earliest days of his tenure of office, Stein could launch his reform. On Oct. 9, 1807, a law was published “concerning the Emancipated Possession and the Free Use of Landed Property as well as the Personal Relationships of the Inhabitants,” which freed the peasants from servitude. Though it did not furnish a satisfactory solution to a number of problems (foremost among them being that of the gradual transfer of economically exploited land to peasant ownership), this October Edict was a decisive step in the conversion of Prussia to civil liberty and to equality before the law. No less revolutionary were the economic implications: land, which nobles had been forbidden to sell to nonnobles, could henceforth be bought and sold freely, and men were free to follow the vocation of their own choosing.
Stein's Municipal Ordinance (Städteordnung) of Nov. 19, 1808, was of lasting importance. It introduced self-government for the urban communes, created the distinction between the salaried executive officials (mayor and magistrate) and the town councils, and so enabled the towns to deal with their local affairs largely through their own citizenry. Even so, the greater towns were put under the supervision of a police president directly responsible to the minister of the interior. Stein's ordinance pointed the way to the development of municipal life throughout Germany.
Stein effectively modernized the structure of the Prussian government as a whole. The irresponsible advisers of the absolute king, namely the so-called Cabinet councillors, who had hitherto formed a sort of secret government behind the scenes, were discarded and so also was the “General Directory,” which had been set up as the central authority in Frederick William I's reign. In its place Stein established departmental ministries (foreign affairs, internal affairs, finance, justice, and war) with unified competence for the whole Prussian territory. On the same principle he organized the activities of the intermediate administrations (Regierungen) and created the post of Oberpräsident, or official head of a whole province, directly responsible for it to the central government. Stein pursued his many-sided tasks with passionate determination, but much of his plan remained unexecuted. His schemes for agrarian and economic reform were taken up by Hardenberg from 1810 onward; but the latter applied them in a spirit more akin to that of the Enlightenment than to Stein's conservative sort of liberalism and without Stein's educative, ethicopolitical concern.
In August 1808 a letter in which Stein indiscreetly referred to the likelihood of war against France was intercepted by Napoleon's agents; and on November 24, yielding to French pressure, Frederick William dismissed him from office. Next, when Napoleon had declared him a public enemy (December 16), Stein had to take refuge on Austrian territory. In May 1812 he was summoned to the court of the Russian emperor Alexander I to be one of his political advisers. In the following winter, on the collapse of Napoleon's invasion of Russia, Stein urged the pursuit of the retreating French Army beyond the Russian frontiers; and early in 1813 he not only helped to organize the raising of troops in East Prussia but also negotiated the Russo-Prussian Treaty of Kalisz, the formal signal for Prussia's rising against Napoleon. He used his moral authority, during the War of Liberation and the Congress of Vienna, to work for a political union of the German states.
In 1816 Stein retired to his country property of Kappenberg in Westphalia. Even in his old age his energy did not desert him. German historical science, in fact, owes to Stein's efforts its most important enterprise of publishing. The Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde (Society for Earlier German History) was founded on Jan. 20, 1819, at his house in Frankfurt am Main, with him as its head and its coordinating force. The Gesellschaft has remained the most important organization for the publication of source materials on German medieval history. The publication of the great documentary series Monumenta Germaniae Historica, which began in 1826, became the particular occupation of Stein's last years. As he himself said, he called the Monumenta into being “in order to give life to the savour of German history, to facilitate the study of its foundations, and thereby to contribute to the preservation of love of the common fatherland.”
Stein was the greatest statesman concerned with Prussia's internal affairs since Frederick William I. He introduced liberal and constitutional elements into the absolutist state and, by his example and influence, made participation in public life a moral postulate.
Ernst Walter Zeeden
Source: "Stein, (Heinrich Friedrich) Karl, Reichsfreiherr vom und zum." Encyclopædia Britannica Ultimate Reference Suite, 2013.
Needless to say that social reformations can be good, bad, or a mixture of both elements, can take place by laypersons and statespersons, from within and originating outside to influence internal changes or gain entry so that one can directly initiate reforms. However, the cyclicity of gain and loss, of reform and deteriorating, etc..., must be interpreted through a different lens of appreciation than the which is typically used. The cyclicity must be recognized as an expression of that which is not being considered in typical reform policies or protests. Regardless of which type of government one is advocating, all of them are not unduly concerned with the fact that humanity is aboard a vessel that is sinking. Whereas one or another government ideology is being proposed as having the better ability to stop leaks than their conflicting counter-ideas, the multitude of leaks (exhibited as social problems), gives us the tell-tale indication that the vessel itself is no longer suitable for the quality and quantity of passengers which have evolved. Irrespective of the competency of Capitan and Crew (business, government, religious leaders), all that they say and do at trying to maintain a floating ship, is to no avail in the long-run course of survival if there is no plan for efficiently abandoning the ship.
The ideologies of such leaders, as survival mechanisms, do not typically contain a written instruction manual for pursuing life elsewhere... outside the purview of a given terrain, as some survival programs do by establishing the same basic goal(s) to be applied for either an individual or group. Whereas businesses promote the view that people can be saved by purchasing one or another life preserver suited to individual (or group) needs... and governments say that all will be well if the public pays its taxes, indulges in respectable patriotisms and dutifully follow its leaders who claim to know what is best... while religions tell believers to stay put so that at the very least a person's soul will be saved; we have a situation calling for the people to mutiny. All of them have short-sighted views even if they use such a word as "eternity" and speak of salvation or an after-life called Heaven... simply because such perspectives reveal an inability to reach beyond one's grasp that clings tightly to an umbilical cord attached to a body called Mother Earth.
We need a new philosophy of government that uses a new manual directed towards a realistic effort for using all resources towards pursuing a means of survival away from the presently sinking global ship called Earth. It doesn't matter if the ship provides a lot of recreational activities, extensive food and beverage supplies, protection from the elements, and a host of complete social availabilities as might be found in a modern city; all its value is of little worth if its resources are meant to be disproportionally given to a few who have no other goal than to improve their own survival in their own life-times... whereas all others are negligibly concerned about. Steps for the design of craft to transport the growing population to new habitats before over-population and dwindling resources begin to stir various forms of cannibalism. We need a New Government ideology if we truly want to preserve the many species now present, but many of which are becoming extinct. If only we could get businesses, governments and religions to stop making excuses and concocting systems of denial.